May 25th, 2012

abaldwin360:

Do they really believe that abortion is murder? (a handy dandy chart, courtesy of Alas, A Blog!)

Almost none of their policies make sense if they really see no difference between the death of a fetus and the death of a four-year-old. However, nearly all their policies make sense if they’re seeking to make sure that women who have sex “face the consequences.” are punished. After years of seeing this pattern repeated again and again, it’s difficult to take them at their word.

(via tehsunshine)

May 17th, 2012

"

(trigger warning: rape, rape jokes) Here is why I refuse to take rape jokes sitting down…

Because 6% of college-aged men, slightly over 1 in 20, will admit to raping someone in anonymous surveys, as long as the word “rape” isn’t used in the description of the act—and that’s the conservative estimate. Other sources double that number (pdf).

A lot of people accuse feminists of thinking that all men are rapists. That’s not true. But do you know who think all men are rapists?

Rapists do.

They really do. In psychological study, the profiling, the studies, it comes out again and again.

Virtually all rapists genuinely believe that all men rape, and other men just keep it hushed up better. And more, these people who really are rapists are constantly reaffirmed in their belief about the rest of mankind being rapists like them by things like rape jokes, that dismiss and normalize the idea of rape.

If one in twenty guys (or more) is a real and true rapist, and you have any amount of social activity with other guys like yourself, then it is almost a statistical certainty that one time hanging out with friends and their friends, playing Halo with a bunch of guys online, in a WoW guild, in a pick-up game of basketball, at a bar, or elsewhere, you were talking to a rapist. Not your fault. You can’t tell a rapist apart any better than anyone else can. It’s not like they announce themselves.

But, here’s the thing. It’s very likely that in some of these interactions with these guys, at some point or another, someone told a rape joke. You, decent guy that you are, understood that they didn’t mean it, and it was just a joke. And so you laughed.

Or maybe you didn’t laugh. Maybe it just wasn’t a very funny joke. So maybe you just didn’t say anything at all.

And, decent guy who would never condone rape, who would step in and stop rape if he saw it, who understands that rape is awful and wrong and bad, when you laughed? When you were silent?

That rapist who was in the group with you, that rapist thought that you were on his side. That rapist knew that you were a rapist like him. And he felt validated, and he felt he was among his comrades.

You. The rapist’s comrade.

And if that doesn’t make you feel sick to your stomach, if that doesn’t make you want to throw up, if that doesn’t disturb you or bother you or make you feel like maybe you should at least consider not participating in that kind of humor anymore, not abiding it in your presence, not greeting it with silence…

Well, maybe you aren’t as opposed to rapists as you claim.

"

Why Rape Jokes Are Never “Ok” (via twofish)

(via seriouslyamerica)

Straight White Male: The Lowest Difficulty Setting There Is

triciapa

As the game progresses, your goal is to gain points, apportion them wisely, and level up. If you start with fewer points and fewer of them in critical stat categories, or choose poorly regarding the skills you decide to level up on, then the game will still be difficult for you. But because you’re playing on the “Straight White Male” setting, gaining points and leveling up will still by default be easier, all other things being equal, than for another player using a higher difficulty setting. Likewise, it’s certainly possible someone playing at a higher difficulty setting is progressing more quickly than you are, because they had more points initially given to them by the computer and/or their highest stats are wealth, intelligence and constitution and/or simply because they play the game better than you do. It doesn’t change the fact you are still playing on the lowest difficulty setting. You can lose playing on the lowest difficulty setting. The lowest difficulty setting is still the easiest setting to win on. The player who plays on the “Gay Minority Female” setting? Hardcore.

Privilege explained for those who hate the word privilege.

May 16th, 2012

Anonymous asked: I was talking to my boyfriend last night and I joked that I felt our relationship would continue being pretty great so long as he wasn't bringing me to anti-choice rallies. He proceeded to tell me that using the term 'anti-choice' was extremely offensive and 'everyone has a right to their own opinion'. And then he used things I'd said about abortion before to mock me - as in, I told him that if I was ever forced to make the choice, I'd have to try make myself see the fetus as objectively (contd)

as possible and try convince myself that the fetus was a parasite (unable to survive without my body); a bunch of cells and thus not a person. I asked him not to mock me and he replied that he found it ridiculous that he felt he had to refer to a baby as a fetus around me (I never enforced this or addressed it before, it’s just that I call it a fetus instead of a baby). The whole conversation left me feeling sick and unhappy. What am I meant to think about this? Who is right?

_________________________________________________________

 My husband says you should break up with him. I’m inclined to think that abortion is kind of a really big topic to disagree on. Those opinions are indicative of more anti-woman sentiments that shouldn’t be accepted. Either way, mocking someone for using a medically accepted term is cruel.

May 15th, 2012
rickydank:

xxxdeathc0resxe:

awesome…

LOL yeah. So awesome. Imagery that incites violence against ‘sluts’. 
Slut is such an odd term. It’s very hateful, and bigoted, but people use it so freely. Slut is to most women what ‘the n-word’ is to African American or black people. But yet, it goes uncensored in many television shows and all types of music. People have been physically harmed, raped, and sometimes killed over being identified as a slut. 
I find it funny that every time someone like you posts something like this, the rest of your blog is filled with sexual, even pornographic .gifs and photos. I’m not surprised to find that, yet again, this is the case.
So, I’m forced to ask…
WHAT CONSTITUTES BEING A SLUT? 
Is it sexual expression/exploration? Body empowerment? If that were it, then surely your blog would be free of pornographic material, you being “SLUT FREE (brass-knuckle)”, and all.
No?
Oh, then it must be someone who you feel superior to. Someone who you have a fear of because you have no control over how they dress, act, speak, or who they have intercourse with. You feel that you must shame someone for being empowered, confident, and comfortable with who they are.
As someone who claims Straight Edge, it makes me sick to know that I’m lumped in with hateful people like you. 
But hey man, go ahead and keep slut-shaming and listening to shitty metal. Oh, and in two years when you’ve broken edge, just remember that I called it.

rickydank:

xxxdeathc0resxe:

awesome…

LOL yeah. So awesome. Imagery that incites violence against ‘sluts’. 

Slut is such an odd term. It’s very hateful, and bigoted, but people use it so freely. Slut is to most women what ‘the n-word’ is to African American or black people. But yet, it goes uncensored in many television shows and all types of music. People have been physically harmed, raped, and sometimes killed over being identified as a slut. 

I find it funny that every time someone like you posts something like this, the rest of your blog is filled with sexual, even pornographic .gifs and photos. I’m not surprised to find that, yet again, this is the case.

So, I’m forced to ask…

WHAT CONSTITUTES BEING A SLUT? 

Is it sexual expression/exploration? Body empowerment? If that were it, then surely your blog would be free of pornographic material, you being “SLUT FREE (brass-knuckle)”, and all.

No?

Oh, then it must be someone who you feel superior to. Someone who you have a fear of because you have no control over how they dress, act, speak, or who they have intercourse with. You feel that you must shame someone for being empowered, confident, and comfortable with who they are.

As someone who claims Straight Edge, it makes me sick to know that I’m lumped in with hateful people like you. 

But hey man, go ahead and keep slut-shaming and listening to shitty metal. Oh, and in two years when you’ve broken edge, just remember that I called it.

"For some reason, it is entirely OK for a strange man I don’t know to approach me in the street and tell me he’d like to violently stick his hard cock in my anus. If I turned around and say, spat on him or stabbed his eye out with a fork, this would not be OK. Moreover, if I tried to press charges, I have the stinking suspicion that without a physical assault my complaint wouldn’t be taken entirely seriously. And yet the same man gets caught taking a piss in a public place and he’s a sexual offender in the eyes of the law. ARE FERAL LANEWAYS AND BRICK WALLS MORE IMPORTANT THAN WOMEN?"

Kat George, Things I Wish Were Not OK But Are Definitely OK (via shoshkablob)

Sometimes even with physical assault, the cops don’t take complaints seriously. Basically if a woman is making the complaint, it will not be taken seriously.

(via paleotrees)

(via brittlikesthings)

May 13th, 2012

(Source: adventuresofcomicbookgirl, via dresdenlowe)

tofujesus:

what-should-we-name-it:

emilianadarling:

Laci Green in “Men & Femininity.” (x)

I haven’t seen this video yet, but MY GOD THAT MUSTACHE!

(via octoeye)

May 10th, 2012

(Source: kelly-thistle, via tehsunshine)

May 7th, 2012

By saying that you only support abortion in cases of rape, you are just proving that the “pro-life” movement isn’t about caring about life, it’s about punishing people for having sex outside of the terms you deem appropriate.

(Source: what-should-we-name-it, via sazquatch)

May 6th, 2012
fearbastard:

the fact that this photo has that many likes makes me sick in my stomach.  Living in a world so full of macho neanderthals gets tolling.  cheap humor and bad vibes. I cringe to think that some people actual look up to people like the guy who posted this.  It also pisses me off that facebook would even allow such a thing.
A world full of bastards. 

THIS SHIT IS NOT A JOKE.

fearbastard:

the fact that this photo has that many likes makes me sick in my stomach.  Living in a world so full of macho neanderthals gets tolling.  cheap humor and bad vibes. I cringe to think that some people actual look up to people like the guy who posted this.  
It also pisses me off that facebook would even allow such a thing.

A world full of bastards. 

THIS SHIT IS NOT A JOKE.

(via jwoodiejwoodiejwoodie)

FYI

I just had a follower on my personal blog message me. She made a post saying that she thought she had a urinary tract infection, but doesn’t have health insurance. I informed her that a UTI is very serious, and that she should get to a Planned Parenthood location ASAP. Even without insurance, PP will help with UTIs at little to no cost. Her message to me was a concern that PP only handles STDs, contraception, and abortion services.

This is a complete misnomer. If you think you have a UTI, PP can test and treat you. Please DO NOT hold off on seeing a doctor about UTI concerns because you can’t afford care. That’s what Planned Parenthood is there for, but we often see it vilified as an abortion provider and not as a care option. 

May 5th, 2012
typeless:

Women who are incarcerated in the US are shackled during labor.
If this isn’t torture I don’t know what is.
~~”GIVING BIRTH IN CHAINS - THE SHACKLING OF INCARCERATED WOMEN DURING LABOR AND DELIVERY’~~ — As birthing choices are increasingly prominent in the public conversation, pregnant women are more and more empowered to decide what sort of care is right for their bodies and their child.Not so for pregnant women who are incarcerated. Not only are their decisions about care restricted, but many incarcerated pregnant women are physically restricted while giving birth: during labor and delivery, they are shackled.Consider the case of Shawanna Nelson.When Nelson was six months pregnant, she was incarcerated in Arkansas for passing bad checks. She went into labor during her short sentence. A correctional officer shackled her legs to opposite sides of the bed that transported her to a delivery room, removing them briefly during a nurse’s examination. Nelson was re-shackled immediately after giving birth to her nine-pound son.“She suffered both mental anguish and injury to her back, intense pain because she couldn’t move or adjust her position through her birth process,” said Dana Sussman, legal fellow at the Center for Reproductive Rights.Nelson later had surgery to treat symptoms resulting from the delivery of her son, according to The Arkansas Times. She sued the Arkansas Department of Correction, charging that her treatment violated the Eighth Amendment’s protection against cruel and unusual punishment.After winning her case at district court, Nelson’s charges were dismissed on appeal by a judicial panel that said prison officials “couldn’t have known the shackling was unconstitutional,” said Sussman. Nelson was granted a rehearing before the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals, supported by the American Civil Liberties Union’s National Prison Project. Her case was argued in September 2008. A decision is pending.Perhaps most surprising about Nelson’s case is that it’s not uncommon. Last month, a former Washington inmate sued the state for shackling during her birthing process and high-risk pregnancy, treatment that included a leg iron and a metal chain across her stomach.Also last month, former inmates of Cook County jail filed a federal lawsuit in Illinois challenging the facility’s shackling practice. Illinois was the first state to have legislation that prohibited shackling; it remains one of four states that make shackling explicitly illegal.“I had no idea women were treated like that anywhere,” said Tina Reynolds, who was shackled during labor and the birth of her son fifteen years ago.“Shackling is a brutal and inherently unjust practice, so blatantly draconian,” said Malika Saada Saar, executive director of The Rebecca Project (and contributor to RH Reality Check).“The problem is that policies for incarcerated men are extended to women without adapting to distinct circumstances,” Saada Saar added.The Practice of ShacklingShackling usually happens when pregnant women are transported from one facility to another-when a woman is transferred to a new prison, for example, or when she’s taken to a hospital for medical care. Reynolds herself was shackled around the waist during labor. She knows others who were subjected to a black box placed between their wrist and belly, which keeps the arms in front and facedown. Shackling also happens around ankles in transport vans and in wheelchairs, while breastfeeding, and while in neonatal nurseries, Reynolds said.To date, 46 states have no legislation that restricts the shackling of pregnant women in prisons, jails, and detention centers, leaving the practice to the discretion of individual facilities. Illinois, California, Vermont, and New Mexico prohibit it entirely, though, as the Cook County case reveals, implementation of anti-shackling policy can be patchy.Non-federal facilities are exempt from the U.S. Bureau of Prisons policy that, in October 2008, barred the shackling of pregnant women, “except in the most extreme circumstances.” This policy is in alignment with the United Nations Convention Against Torture, which the U.S. ratified.Shackling policies are especially pertinent given that women are the fastest growing demographic in U.S. prisons, according to the Women’s Prison Association. As with the general prison population, most are serving sentences for nonviolent offenses.Among detained immigrant women who are pregnant, the research of Meghan Rhoad of Human Rights Watch (and an RH Reality Check contributor) found that shackling frequently happens during transport and occurs less often during labor. Many pregnant women are deported before they give birth because U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) tries to expedite the process for them.“We know that some pregnant women in detention are pregnant as a result of rape that happened in their home country or while they crossed the border,” Rhoad said. “That they may be forced to endure shackling as rape survivors is absurd and horrifying.”The practice of shackling discourages women from seeking needed care, Rhoad said.“The degradation is such a disincentive,” Rhoad added. “It’s related to who’s in immigration detention, including refugees, survivors of trauma that may have involved shackling, and people with no experience in detention centers.”The Rebecca Project’s advocacy engages ICE and associations of county jails, because detained immigrant women are often placed in jails where shackling is standard practice.“For some reason, jail policy trumps ICE policy on shackling,” said Saada Saar. “This could be alleviated if ICE and others at the federal level made a clear statement.”Rhoad is optimistic that pregnant immigrant women in detention will soon have better circumstances.“We’ve seen an openness in the new (Obama) administration to examine the practices in women’s care,” Rhoad said.As well, The Rebecca Project’s anti-shackling efforts acknowledge the frequency of shackling occurring while women are transported.“We’ve done extensive work with the U.S. Marshals because they’re responsible for the transportation of prisoners and are often responsible for shackling,” said Saada Saar.Anti-Shackling Movement Builds Momentum, Wins AlliesThe 2008 federal policy against shackling cued renewed hope among advocates for the humane treatment of incarcerated women. Beyond lawsuits and advocacy with individual departments, legislative campaigns to restrict shackling are finding unprecedented success-after years of falling on deaf ears.New Mexico is the most recent state to bar shackling through a bill signed by Governor Bill Richardson this spring. New York and Texas currently have bills backed by legislative support that await the word of their governors before they become law.“For us, it’s not enough to change regulations (on shackling in particular prisons),” Saada Saar said. “To do this campaign through the legislature gives us a way to respond to violations of the policy. Through state statutes, mothers’ rights are better protected.”“A lot of states do have corrections policies that restrict shackling, but (the policies) aren’t commonly known or understood,” Sussman said. “A law allows us to go to court; it makes it hard for others to say they didn’t know (that shackling is restricted).“We have a strong case in Illinois because of the law there, for example. We need to bring cases to ensure enforcement,” Sussman added. “It’s a dual strategy.”It’s a strategy that inspires diverse support. Broad coalitions are signing on to legislative and legal campaigns to transform the experience of giving birth in prisons, jails, and detention centers.Among those backing the New York Anti-Shackling Bill are women’s health advocates, prison rights organizations, medical and public health groups, and “even fellowships and ministries that aren’t our frequent allies,” Sussman said.In Texas, there’s even more strategic alignment with religious organizations and politicians in the campaign against shackling, said Sussman.“With religious groups, what resonates is the simple inhumanity (of shackling),” said Sussman.Rhoad said that her organization took on the anti-shackling campaign because, she said, shackling is “not just a women’s right issue; it’s a human rights issue.”Meanwhile, when Reynolds attended the National Organization for Women conference in Indianapolis last month, she was invited to submit a resolution for NOW to take on shackling in its national advocacy. Her resolution was adopted, which Reynolds called “a huge step, because they are a huge organization.”“That was remarkable to me to feel empowered, as a formerly incarcerated woman who had joined NOW the week before,” Reynolds said.Leaders in the anti-shackling movement credit the campaign’s momentum to centering the experiences of women who were shackled. Their stories are featured at press conferences, in letters, in briefs, and other campaign vehicles. Many are collected through Women on the Rise Telling HerStory (WORTH), an association of formerly incarcerated women founded by Reynolds.“It may be possible to resist changes (to the practice of shackling), but when you’re confronted with the reality of women who’ve had to endure this, that’s a hard position to maintain,” said Rhoad.ChallengersDespite the multifaceted support for anti-shackling legislation, the movement is not without its challengers.The New York Department of Correctional Services (DCS) opposes the Anti-Shackling Bill that won near-unanimous legislative support and now awaits Governor Paterson’s approval. The DCS contends that shackling doesn’t happen in its facilities, and if it did, the department is capable of addressing the problem independently.Serena Alfieri, associate director of policy with the Correctional Association of New York, said that DCS’s point about shackling not occurring is fueled by a lack of documentation. She notes that many women don’t file complaints about the practice out of fear of retaliation.Stories about shackling most frequently come from women after they are released. There are documented stories of shackling happening as recently as February 2009, according to Alfieri.Alfieri said opponents of anti-shackling efforts often cite security concerns about inmates using the opportunity of pregnancy and birth to escape. The New York Anti-Shackling Bill includes exceptions for terrorists and past escapees.“It’s interesting that the only argument opponents (to the Anti-Shackling Bill) really have is that prisoners will escape and therefore community safety is at stake,” said Alfieri. “But (in New York) they’re not even using that argument. Their saying it just doesn’t happen.”It is Alfieri’s theory that DCS might have taken a different strategy if “they ever vaguely even thought this bill had a chance to become a law.“After similar bills haven’t passed in recent years, (DCS) underestimated the amount of support for this,” Alfieri said. The Anti-Shackling Bill’s success comes after at least seven years of the issue being dropped by the legislature.Reynolds said, “I wonder if (the DOC) knows that there is a difference between labor and birth. Because there is a difference. They might remove shackles during the actual birth, but labor-and labor pains-is experienced beyond that.“It is painful and horrific to be shackled during labor pains,” she added.While New York’s DCS goes through the pains of downsizing and union pressure, its leaders and employees are trying to ensure that not a lot of more changes are happening, Alfieri said. She believes that this contributes to DCS’s opposition to the Anti-Shackling Bill-the department resists out of a desire to not cause any more upheaval than is already happening.“Security is where they come from; the impact on the health of women and children just doesn’t occur to them, it’s just not on the table,” Alfieri said.Turning Point for Incarcerated Women, Reproductive Justice AdvocatesNonetheless, awareness of the impact of incarceration on women and children is rising across the nation.Reynolds believes that growing national attention to shackling is partly attributed to empathy for the child involved in births that happen in prisons-though, she said, she hopes people recognize the connection between the child and its mother.The momentum is further fueled by international standards against shackling pregnant women. Sussman said that the movement’s approach frames the issue as violations against UN standards of torture.“Gains on the international level are powerful for advocacy,” Sussman said. “We use it in our letters, all through our campaign.”Rhoad echoed Sussman’s ideas.“Exploring this as a human rights issue is imperative,” Rhoad said. “We can look at the basic standards of treatment and the strong support in the international arena for prohibiting shackling in all but the most extraordinary circumstances.”It’s an idea that that offers the reproductive justice community an opportunity to evolve.Shackling is a “very important issue for the reproductive rights community, though it hasn’t quite been claimed yet,” Saada Saar said. “Now is an opportunity to re-claim it and shed light on mothers’ rights.”Reynolds said she agreed that shackling, as well as the impact of incarceration more broadly, remains “sorely missing in reproductive justice circles.”The Center for Reproductive Rights is “primarily an abortion access organization, but (working on the anti-shackling campaign) broadens us as a reproductive justice group,” said Sussman. “The reproductive justice community believes strongly in the full spectrum of health care, including abortion access and childbirth services.”Sussman noted that reproductive justice groups that focus on particular community and regions have been among the strongest advocates in the anti-shackling campaign, recognizing, for example, how the criminal justice system impacts communities of color.In fact, birthing rights advocates can be credited for overturning the practice of shackling in the city of Philadelphia (a policy that hasn’t extended to the state of Pennsylvania).“Doulas and midwives worked with mothers in prisons, and they’re work and intervention changed that policy in Philadelphia,” said Saada Saar.It is, after all, a simple idea.“Women should be given the opportunity to recover and heal in a treatment facility with their child,” said Reynolds. “People deserve the dignity to have a child in a healthy way, free of restraints, without feeling more oppressed.”
“Everybody is captivated by the story of how they were born,” Reynolds added. “Why shouldn’t mothers be able to tell a joyful story to their child, without worrying about leaving out details of shackles and poor care? That story they share should be pure and beautiful.” — VIA @HELEN ROYE 

typeless:

Women who are incarcerated in the US are shackled during labor.

If this isn’t torture I don’t know what is.

~~”GIVING BIRTH IN CHAINS - THE SHACKLING OF INCARCERATED WOMEN DURING LABOR AND DELIVERY’~~ — As birthing choices are increasingly prominent in the public conversation, pregnant women are more and more empowered to decide what sort of care is right for their bodies and their child.

Not so for pregnant women who are incarcerated. Not only are their decisions about care restricted, but many incarcerated pregnant women are physically restricted while giving birth: during labor and delivery, they are shackled.

Consider the case of Shawanna Nelson.

When Nelson was six months pregnant, she was incarcerated in Arkansas for passing bad checks. She went into labor during her short sentence. A correctional officer shackled her legs to opposite sides of the bed that transported her to a delivery room, removing them briefly during a nurse’s examination. Nelson was re-shackled immediately after giving birth to her nine-pound son.

“She suffered both mental anguish and injury to her back, intense pain because she couldn’t move or adjust her position through her birth process,” said Dana Sussman, legal fellow at the Center for Reproductive Rights.

Nelson later had surgery to treat symptoms resulting from the delivery of her son, according to The Arkansas Times. She sued the Arkansas Department of Correction, charging that her treatment violated the Eighth Amendment’s protection against cruel and unusual punishment.

After winning her case at district court, Nelson’s charges were dismissed on appeal by a judicial panel that said prison officials “couldn’t have known the shackling was unconstitutional,” said Sussman. Nelson was granted a rehearing before the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals, supported by the American Civil Liberties Union’s National Prison Project. Her case was argued in September 2008. A decision is pending.

Perhaps most surprising about Nelson’s case is that it’s not uncommon. Last month, a former Washington inmate sued the state for shackling during her birthing process and high-risk pregnancy, treatment that included a leg iron and a metal chain across her stomach.

Also last month, former inmates of Cook County jail filed a federal lawsuit in Illinois challenging the facility’s shackling practice. Illinois was the first state to have legislation that prohibited shackling; it remains one of four states that make shackling explicitly illegal.

“I had no idea women were treated like that anywhere,” said Tina Reynolds, who was shackled during labor and the birth of her son fifteen years ago.

“Shackling is a brutal and inherently unjust practice, so blatantly draconian,” said Malika Saada Saar, executive director of The Rebecca Project (and contributor to RH Reality Check).

“The problem is that policies for incarcerated men are extended to women without adapting to distinct circumstances,” Saada Saar added.

The Practice of Shackling

Shackling usually happens when pregnant women are transported from one facility to another-when a woman is transferred to a new prison, for example, or when she’s taken to a hospital for medical care. Reynolds herself was shackled around the waist during labor. She knows others who were subjected to a black box placed between their wrist and belly, which keeps the arms in front and facedown. Shackling also happens around ankles in transport vans and in wheelchairs, while breastfeeding, and while in neonatal nurseries, Reynolds said.

To date, 46 states have no legislation that restricts the shackling of pregnant women in prisons, jails, and detention centers, leaving the practice to the discretion of individual facilities. Illinois, California, Vermont, and New Mexico prohibit it entirely, though, as the Cook County case reveals, implementation of anti-shackling policy can be patchy.

Non-federal facilities are exempt from the U.S. Bureau of Prisons policy that, in October 2008, barred the shackling of pregnant women, “except in the most extreme circumstances.” This policy is in alignment with the United Nations Convention Against Torture, which the U.S. ratified.

Shackling policies are especially pertinent given that women are the fastest growing demographic in U.S. prisons, according to the Women’s Prison Association. As with the general prison population, most are serving sentences for nonviolent offenses.

Among detained immigrant women who are pregnant, the research of Meghan Rhoad of Human Rights Watch (and an RH Reality Check contributor) found that shackling frequently happens during transport and occurs less often during labor. Many pregnant women are deported before they give birth because U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) tries to expedite the process for them.

“We know that some pregnant women in detention are pregnant as a result of rape that happened in their home country or while they crossed the border,” Rhoad said. “That they may be forced to endure shackling as rape survivors is absurd and horrifying.”

The practice of shackling discourages women from seeking needed care, Rhoad said.

“The degradation is such a disincentive,” Rhoad added. “It’s related to who’s in immigration detention, including refugees, survivors of trauma that may have involved shackling, and people with no experience in detention centers.”

The Rebecca Project’s advocacy engages ICE and associations of county jails, because detained immigrant women are often placed in jails where shackling is standard practice.

“For some reason, jail policy trumps ICE policy on shackling,” said Saada Saar. “This could be alleviated if ICE and others at the federal level made a clear statement.”

Rhoad is optimistic that pregnant immigrant women in detention will soon have better circumstances.

“We’ve seen an openness in the new (Obama) administration to examine the practices in women’s care,” Rhoad said.

As well, The Rebecca Project’s anti-shackling efforts acknowledge the frequency of shackling occurring while women are transported.

“We’ve done extensive work with the U.S. Marshals because they’re responsible for the transportation of prisoners and are often responsible for shackling,” said Saada Saar.

Anti-Shackling Movement Builds Momentum, Wins Allies

The 2008 federal policy against shackling cued renewed hope among advocates for the humane treatment of incarcerated women. Beyond lawsuits and advocacy with individual departments, legislative campaigns to restrict shackling are finding unprecedented success-after years of falling on deaf ears.

New Mexico is the most recent state to bar shackling through a bill signed by Governor Bill Richardson this spring. New York and Texas currently have bills backed by legislative support that await the word of their governors before they become law.

“For us, it’s not enough to change regulations (on shackling in particular prisons),” Saada Saar said. “To do this campaign through the legislature gives us a way to respond to violations of the policy. Through state statutes, mothers’ rights are better protected.”

“A lot of states do have corrections policies that restrict shackling, but (the policies) aren’t commonly known or understood,” Sussman said. “A law allows us to go to court; it makes it hard for others to say they didn’t know (that shackling is restricted).

“We have a strong case in Illinois because of the law there, for example. We need to bring cases to ensure enforcement,” Sussman added. “It’s a dual strategy.”

It’s a strategy that inspires diverse support. Broad coalitions are signing on to legislative and legal campaigns to transform the experience of giving birth in prisons, jails, and detention centers.

Among those backing the New York Anti-Shackling Bill are women’s health advocates, prison rights organizations, medical and public health groups, and “even fellowships and ministries that aren’t our frequent allies,” Sussman said.

In Texas, there’s even more strategic alignment with religious organizations and politicians in the campaign against shackling, said Sussman.

“With religious groups, what resonates is the simple inhumanity (of shackling),” said Sussman.

Rhoad said that her organization took on the anti-shackling campaign because, she said, shackling is “not just a women’s right issue; it’s a human rights issue.”

Meanwhile, when Reynolds attended the National Organization for Women conference in Indianapolis last month, she was invited to submit a resolution for NOW to take on shackling in its national advocacy. Her resolution was adopted, which Reynolds called “a huge step, because they are a huge organization.”

“That was remarkable to me to feel empowered, as a formerly incarcerated woman who had joined NOW the week before,” Reynolds said.

Leaders in the anti-shackling movement credit the campaign’s momentum to centering the experiences of women who were shackled. Their stories are featured at press conferences, in letters, in briefs, and other campaign vehicles. Many are collected through Women on the Rise Telling HerStory (WORTH), an association of formerly incarcerated women founded by Reynolds.

“It may be possible to resist changes (to the practice of shackling), but when you’re confronted with the reality of women who’ve had to endure this, that’s a hard position to maintain,” said Rhoad.

Challengers

Despite the multifaceted support for anti-shackling legislation, the movement is not without its challengers.

The New York Department of Correctional Services (DCS) opposes the Anti-Shackling Bill that won near-unanimous legislative support and now awaits Governor Paterson’s approval. The DCS contends that shackling doesn’t happen in its facilities, and if it did, the department is capable of addressing the problem independently.

Serena Alfieri, associate director of policy with the Correctional Association of New York, said that DCS’s point about shackling not occurring is fueled by a lack of documentation. She notes that many women don’t file complaints about the practice out of fear of retaliation.

Stories about shackling most frequently come from women after they are released. There are documented stories of shackling happening as recently as February 2009, according to Alfieri.

Alfieri said opponents of anti-shackling efforts often cite security concerns about inmates using the opportunity of pregnancy and birth to escape. The New York Anti-Shackling Bill includes exceptions for terrorists and past escapees.

“It’s interesting that the only argument opponents (to the Anti-Shackling Bill) really have is that prisoners will escape and therefore community safety is at stake,” said Alfieri. “But (in New York) they’re not even using that argument. Their saying it just doesn’t happen.”

It is Alfieri’s theory that DCS might have taken a different strategy if “they ever vaguely even thought this bill had a chance to become a law.

“After similar bills haven’t passed in recent years, (DCS) underestimated the amount of support for this,” Alfieri said. The Anti-Shackling Bill’s success comes after at least seven years of the issue being dropped by the legislature.

Reynolds said, “I wonder if (the DOC) knows that there is a difference between labor and birth. Because there is a difference. They might remove shackles during the actual birth, but labor-and labor pains-is experienced beyond that.

“It is painful and horrific to be shackled during labor pains,” she added.

While New York’s DCS goes through the pains of downsizing and union pressure, its leaders and employees are trying to ensure that not a lot of more changes are happening, Alfieri said. She believes that this contributes to DCS’s opposition to the Anti-Shackling Bill-the department resists out of a desire to not cause any more upheaval than is already happening.

“Security is where they come from; the impact on the health of women and children just doesn’t occur to them, it’s just not on the table,” Alfieri said.

Turning Point for Incarcerated Women, Reproductive Justice Advocates

Nonetheless, awareness of the impact of incarceration on women and children is rising across the nation.

Reynolds believes that growing national attention to shackling is partly attributed to empathy for the child involved in births that happen in prisons-though, she said, she hopes people recognize the connection between the child and its mother.

The momentum is further fueled by international standards against shackling pregnant women. Sussman said that the movement’s approach frames the issue as violations against UN standards of torture.

“Gains on the international level are powerful for advocacy,” Sussman said. “We use it in our letters, all through our campaign.”

Rhoad echoed Sussman’s ideas.

“Exploring this as a human rights issue is imperative,” Rhoad said. “We can look at the basic standards of treatment and the strong support in the international arena for prohibiting shackling in all but the most extraordinary circumstances.”

It’s an idea that that offers the reproductive justice community an opportunity to evolve.

Shackling is a “very important issue for the reproductive rights community, though it hasn’t quite been claimed yet,” Saada Saar said. “Now is an opportunity to re-claim it and shed light on mothers’ rights.”

Reynolds said she agreed that shackling, as well as the impact of incarceration more broadly, remains “sorely missing in reproductive justice circles.”

The Center for Reproductive Rights is “primarily an abortion access organization, but (working on the anti-shackling campaign) broadens us as a reproductive justice group,” said Sussman. “The reproductive justice community believes strongly in the full spectrum of health care, including abortion access and childbirth services.”

Sussman noted that reproductive justice groups that focus on particular community and regions have been among the strongest advocates in the anti-shackling campaign, recognizing, for example, how the criminal justice system impacts communities of color.

In fact, birthing rights advocates can be credited for overturning the practice of shackling in the city of Philadelphia (a policy that hasn’t extended to the state of Pennsylvania).

“Doulas and midwives worked with mothers in prisons, and they’re work and intervention changed that policy in Philadelphia,” said Saada Saar.

It is, after all, a simple idea.

“Women should be given the opportunity to recover and heal in a treatment facility with their child,” said Reynolds. “People deserve the dignity to have a child in a healthy way, free of restraints, without feeling more oppressed.”

“Everybody is captivated by the story of how they were born,” Reynolds added. “Why shouldn’t mothers be able to tell a joyful story to their child, without worrying about leaving out details of shackles and poor care? That story they share should be pure and beautiful.” — VIA @HELEN ROYE 

(via bebinn)

stophatingyourbody:

wheeliewifee:

Glamour Magazine Body Size Stereotypes Survey:
What the Glamour Magazine poll shows about the assumptions women hold
Heavy women are pegged as…
“lazy” 11 times as often as thin women; “sloppy” nine times; “undisciplined” seven times; “slow” six times as often.
While thin women are seen as…
“conceited” or “superficial” about eight times as often as heavy women; “vain” or “self-centered” four times as often; and “bitchy,” “mean,” or “controlling” more than twice as often.
Even the “good” labels are unfair.
An overweight woman may be five times as likely to be perceived as “giving” as a skinny one. “But it just fits into the stereotype that thin women are not that way,” explains Ann Kearney-Cooke, Ph.D. “It’s still putting women in a box based on their body size.”
————————————————————————————-
This is so interesting… and really sad. The fact that heavy women ALSO judge heavy women and thin women judge other thin women is so disheartening.
Hopefully places like Stop Hating Your Body can help change this even a little bit at a time… 
(click on the image for the entire article, it is worth the read!)

It’s very interesting that the article is about stereotypes, and yet both the women shown here, while their body sizes are different, are both white, blonde, and what the media would like to push as being ideally ‘beautiful’. 
Yes, I understand that the two bodies should be otherwise similar to drive home the point that the size of the body is the only thing affecting the opinion. But still, why choose a white, blonde, ‘beautiful’ person to begin with?
That being said, however, the article does make a good point. People are far too eager to place people in a box strictly on what the shape of their body, and it’s not okay. The only way to change is to question what you’re made to think, and why.

And, of course, both white, blonde women have been photoshopped. Magazines talk about loving your body and blah blah blah, but everything they print has been photoshopped to shreds.

stophatingyourbody:

wheeliewifee:

Glamour Magazine Body Size Stereotypes Survey:

What the Glamour Magazine poll shows about the assumptions women hold

Heavy women are pegged as…

“lazy” 11 times as often as thin women; “sloppy” nine times; “undisciplined” seven times; “slow” six times as often.

While thin women are seen as…

“conceited” or “superficial” about eight times as often as heavy women; “vain” or “self-centered” four times as often; and “bitchy,” “mean,” or “controlling” more than twice as often.

Even the “good” labels are unfair.

An overweight woman may be five times as likely to be perceived as “giving” as a skinny one. “But it just fits into the stereotype that thin women are not that way,” explains Ann Kearney-Cooke, Ph.D. “It’s still putting women in a box based on their body size.”

————————————————————————————-

This is so interesting… and really sad. The fact that heavy women ALSO judge heavy women and thin women judge other thin women is so disheartening.

Hopefully places like Stop Hating Your Body can help change this even a little bit at a time… 

(click on the image for the entire article, it is worth the read!)

It’s very interesting that the article is about stereotypes, and yet both the women shown here, while their body sizes are different, are both white, blonde, and what the media would like to push as being ideally ‘beautiful’. 

Yes, I understand that the two bodies should be otherwise similar to drive home the point that the size of the body is the only thing affecting the opinion. But still, why choose a white, blonde, ‘beautiful’ person to begin with?

That being said, however, the article does make a good point. People are far too eager to place people in a box strictly on what the shape of their body, and it’s not okay. The only way to change is to question what you’re made to think, and why.

And, of course, both white, blonde women have been photoshopped. Magazines talk about loving your body and blah blah blah, but everything they print has been photoshopped to shreds.

(via layersoflife)

one of your followers had a question i think i have an answer to:

http://theholeintheozone.tumblr.com/post/15286644922

the triple bypass analogy? is that what she’s looking for?